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Responsibilities Support Contact Principal ContactFrom Egosystem to Ecosystem: Motivations of the Self in a Social World2.2.2.2 CognitionsFoundations1.02.6.4 Self-ProcessesAdvancing psychotherapy effectivenessSelf-acceptanceVisual Perspective in Mental ImageryTheories of self-worthSocial Cognitive Neuroscience, Cognitive Neuroscience, Clinical Brain MappingCognitive Maturation and Self-Concept DevelopmentSelf-development in Childhood2.3 AdolescenceSelf-EsteemAdolescenceCognitive-Behavioral Perspectives on Body ImageActivating Events and Cognitive ProcessingThe Influence of Diverse Youth Development Models on Student Engagement and Academic OutcomesComprehensive Youth Programs and Academic Processes and OutcomesSelf-acceptanceMental healthWhat is an individual's overall and specific positive and negative selfWhat is negative selfWhat are the three elements of selfWhich of the following characteristics is associated with core self
The Polish Sociological Bulletin
No. 5/6 (JULY-DECEMBER 1962)
, pp. 39-49 (11 pages)
Published By: Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne (Polish Sociological Association)
https://www.jstor.org/stable/44817020
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The journal published contribution from diverse areas of sociology with focus on social theory, social structure, social change, culture and politics in global perspective. Provides publications of Polish and foreign sociologists.
ISSN Print : 1896-1800
ISSN Online : 2569-653X
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From Egosystem to Ecosystem: Motivations of the Self in a Social World
Jennifer Crocker, Amy Canevello, in Advances in Motivation Science, 2022
2.2.2.2 Cognitions
When people have egosystem motivation they should be preoccupied with self-evaluations and thoughts about how others evaluate them. Accordingly, they should be low in self-compassion and high in public self-consciousness.
Because relational value is inherently comparative, in the egosystem people should believe that it is important for people to take care of themselves even the expense of others, and construe their relationships as zero-sum in nature, so that solutions to problems and conflicts necessarily favor one person the expense of others. In sum, when motivated by the egosystem people should tend to view themselves as negatively interdependent with others.
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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2215091918300038
Foundations
Joseph Ciarrochi, ... Stefan G. Hofmann, in Comprehensive Clinical Psychology (Second Edition), 2022
1.02.6.4 Self-Processes
Self interventions (Table 6) often focus on changing self-evaluations, such as self-efficacy (Opdenacker et al., 2008; Turner et al., 2007) and self-concept (Truax et al., 1966). This type of “selfing” behavior has clear overlap with the cognitive process category. Other self-interventions focus on one's relationship to content, rather than altering the content itself. These interventions often utilize perspective taking (Montoya-Rodríguez et al., 2022), such that the self (“I”) is viewed as if from an observer's perspective, as in “I, the observer, in the present moment, see myself, in the past, having negative thoughts.” For example, self-compassion interventions might encourage people to observe themselves as a person who suffers and deserves kindness (Boyle et al., 2022; Ferrari et al., 2022; Inwood and Ferrari, 2022; Kuyken et al., 2008). Growth mindset interventions might encourage people to observe how much they have changed and grown and might still change and grow (Miller, 2022). Finally, self-as-context interventions help people to see themselves as the one who holds or watches all inner content, and so is not equivalent to that content (Yu et al., 2022). All of these interventions are intended to help people disengage from unhelpful self-content, such as “I should beat myself up to motivate myself”, “I can't change”, or “my past mistakes define me.“
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Advancing psychotherapy effectiveness
Brad Bowins, in States and Processes for Mental Health, 2022
Self-acceptance
Self-concept (self-perspectives) and self-esteem (self-evaluations) are the basis of self-acceptance. Both self-concept and self-esteem can be enhanced from psychotherapy by the nonspecific factor of a solid therapeutic alliance fostered by robust empathy, given that perspectives and evaluations of oneself are linked to social input. Positive engagement does help people improve how they view themselves. Beyond this basic level, providing positive feedback to the client can be very helpful, instead of just focusing on dysfunctional behavior and thoughts. A therapist can point out the person’s strengths and build on these for progress. For example, “The way you describe your work experiences indicate that you are conscientious.” Of course, the comments need to capture real strengths of the client and not be contrived.
Self-acceptance is robustly advanced by several of the major forms of psychotherapy covered, and the strategies can be readily applied. By having a person accept some adversity and still progress to achieve valued goals, positive outcomes will ensue from Acceptance and Commitment Therapy improving self-perspectives and self-evaluation. The commitment to action helps ensure that this transpires, increasing the likelihood that self-acceptance will be enhanced. Behavioral Therapy fosters diverse activities that are positive to the person and reinforcing. Success with activities of interest that were previously avoided or inhibited should further self-concept and self-esteem, and hence self-acceptance. By reframing negative self-referential thoughts and any underlying schema to positive thoughts about oneself, Cognitive Therapy can strongly advance self-perspectives. Outside of a manualized format a psychotherapist can readily apply this approach by listening for negative self-perspectives, drawing attention to them, and assisting the person in reframing them in a positive fashion. Encouraging the person to practice this on their own, and ask for examples the next session, always helps ensure that the process is continued outside of sessions.
Compassion-Focused Therapy strongly advances self-acceptance because self-compassionate perspectives bolster the core of one’s being, leading to improved self-concept and self-esteem. Many people who seek psychotherapy are very self-critical, eroding the core foundation supporting their self-concept and self-evaluations. The compassionate approach from the therapist provides a solid template for how to be self-compassionate. Existential Psychotherapy helps people become more self-aware of how core conflicts pertaining to death, aloneness, meaninglessness, and freedom and responsibility, generate anxiety in all of us. The client is also made aware of how some anxiety from these sources is unavoidable, and by managing the conflicts a person can identify what makes for an authentic and meaningful life for them. The changes that transpire improve self-perspective and self-evaluation. Since everyone, including the psychotherapist, has these concerns discussions are easy to engage in, and definitely do not require any advanced knowledge of philosophy.
There are least two ways that the strategies of Gestalt Therapy improve self-acceptance. A key one is the emphasis on full self-awareness, with a focus on blending foreground and background features of self-perspective: people are caught up in a focus on negative foreground features with the more positive background aspects faded. By having a person refocus on the background to their life a balanced and more positive picture emerges, advancing self-concept and self-esteem. The strategy of identifying and removing blocks to personal growth and self-actualization also advances self-acceptance. Narrative Therapy clearly enhances self-acceptance by generating positive self-narratives that are coherent and balanced, thereby bolstering the foundation supporting self-perspectives and self-evaluations. Person-Centered Therapy robustly advances self-acceptance, based on how the client is to discover themselves, identify inconsistencies between the actual and ideal self, devise solutions to achieve congruency, and recruit their resources to achieve it. This approach is very empowering improving self-concept and self-esteem. Positive Psychotherapy enhances self-acceptance, with self-esteem journaling listing what a person has done well , comprising a specific strategy to achieve this outcome. The engagement and achievement focus yields real gains supporting improved self-acceptance. Problem-Solving Therapy empowers a client by breaking problems down into manageable components, devising solutions, and then implementing them. This empowerment combined with improved outcomes enhances self-concept and self-esteem.
Both general psychotherapy strategies and those derived from major forms of psychotherapy robustly advance self-concept, self-esteem, and from these, self-acceptance. The nonspecific factor of a solid therapeutic alliance fostered by empathy bolsters self-acceptance due to the importance of social input. Focusing on a client’s realistic strengths instead of limitations is an easy way for therapists to improve self-acceptance. Ten of the fifteen major forms of psychotherapy offer robust approaches to improving self-concept and self-esteem that are readily applied without a manual. Furthermore, several of these approaches overlap assisting in the ease of application. For example, enhanced self-awareness transpires fostering positive changes in thoughts and behaviors, and compatible positive self-referential perspectives are instilled, such as from cognitive therapy, compassion-focused therapy, gestalt therapy, narrative therapy, and positive psychotherapy.
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Visual Perspective in Mental Imagery
Lisa K. Libby, Richard P. Eibach, in Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 2011
Theories of self-worth
Self-esteem has been described as a self-theory capturing people's global self-evaluations (Conner Christensen, Wood, & Barrett, 2003; Epstein, 1973). One of the most well-documented differences between low and high self-esteem individuals (LSEs and HSEs) is in how they react to failure: LSEs have much stronger negative responses (Blaine & Crocker, 1993; Taylor, 1991). One reason for these different responses appears to be the different meanings that LSEs’ and HSEs’ general self-views afford as they consider the meaning of any given failure in their lives more broadly. HSEs tend to minimize failures in relation to their other more positive qualities and experiences (Dodgson & Wood, 1998), whereas LSEs overgeneralize from failures (Brown, 1998), linking their individual failure experiences together in confirmation of their globally negative self-views (Kernis, Brockner, & Frankel, 1989). Thus, even when the objective features of a failure are held constant, LSEs still have more extreme negative reactions (e.g., Brown & Marshall, 2001; Dodgson & Wood, 1998; Tangney & Dearing, 2002).
If self-esteem as a component of the conceptual self influences reactions to failure in this top-down manner, our model predicts that when recalling or imagining failure low self-esteem should be associated with more negative reactions only to the extent that individuals use the third-person perspective. In a test of this prediction (Libby, Valenti, Pfent, & Eibach, 2011), participants recalled a personal failure and reported on the perspective they used to picture it. They also completed a measure of the extent to which they were overgeneralizing (Carver & Ganellen, 1983) from the sự kiện as they pictured it (e.g., When I think about this sự kiện I wonder if I can do well anything all.). Consistent with our model, LSEs overgeneralized more than HSEs only when recalling failures from the third-person perspective, not when recalling failures from the first-person perspective. Further, among LSEs third-person imagery was associated with a significantly greater tendency to overgeneralize, whereas among HSEs third-person imagery was associated with a significantly reduced tendency to overgeneralize.
Follow-up studies provided converging evidence for the causal role of perspective by manipulating it (Libby, Valenti, et al., 2011). One study operationalized overgeneralization by measuring the accessibility of participants’ personal strengths versus weaknesses after picturing a failure: Greater overgeneralization should be characterized by greater accessibility of weaknesses relative to strengths. In this study, after participants had pictured personal failures from the specified perspective (first-person or third-person), participants engaged in a reaction-time task that assessed the speed with which they could identify words related to domains they had previously identified as representing their personal strengths and weaknesses. It was only when the failures had been pictured from the third-person perspective that lower self-esteem predicted greater accessibility of weaknesses relative to strengths. When the failures had been pictured from the first-person perspective, no such self-esteem differences emerged (see Fig. 4.7).
Figure 4.7. Accessibility of personal strengths and weaknesses after recalling an initial failure from either the first-person or third-person perspective. Accessibility was operationalized as the reaction time to respond to words associated with personal strengths and weaknesses in a discrimination task. Smaller values indicate greater accessibility. Values are plotted 1 SD above and below the sample mean of self-esteem.
Another study conceptually replicated this pattern, manipulating the perspective that participants used to picture a past failure in their lives, and then measuring the accessibility of additional failure or success memories. It was only after participants had pictured the initial failure from the third-person perspective that additional failures were more accessible and successes less accessible for LSEs than for HSEs. When participants had used the first-person perspective no such effect of self-esteem emerged: successes were more accessible than failures for LSEs and HSEs alike. Given previous evidence suggesting that LSEs’ tendency to overgeneralize from failure stems from the influence of their general theories of self-worth, the fact that this tendency to overgeneralize emerges only when failures are pictured from the third-person, and not first-person, perspective supports the idea that third-person imagery functions to represent life events in terms of these general theories that define the conceptual self.
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Social Cognitive Neuroscience, Cognitive Neuroscience, Clinical Brain Mapping
K.F. Jankowski, J.H. Pfeifer, in Brain Mapping, 2015
Cognitive Maturation and Self-Concept Development
Two major changes in adolescent self-concept development include the content of and contextual influences on self-evaluations. Rosenberg (1986) proposed that self-perceptions during childhood and adolescence differ due to the acquisition of advanced cognitive abilities. While children generally implement concrete reasoning skills and describe themselves using more basic, physical terms (Rosenberg, 1986; Secord & Peevers, 1974), adolescents adopt more complex self-descriptions, creating mental state representations that consist of less concrete and more psychological and abstract terminologies (Broughton, 1978; Harter, 1990; Peevers & Secord, 1973; Rosenberg, 1979; Secord & Peevers, 1974; Selman, 1980; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). This trend may more broadly reflect the maturation of an interpersonal cognitive system during early adolescence, which is reflected by the enhanced organization and integration of psychological constructs during person perception (Barenboim, 1977).
Another significant change is the increased individuation and differentiation of adolescent self-representations. Both global self-evaluations (i.e., self-esteem) and domain-specific self-evaluations (such as athletic, academic, and social competence) are refined and differentiated (Harter, 1999; Masten et al., 1995), as revealed by research using factor analysis and structural equation modeling, which demonstrates that adolescents use more dimensions to describe their self-concepts than preadolescents (Marsh, 1989; Masten et al., 1995). Adolescents also develop ‘multiple selves’ that vary across contexts and social roles (Harter, 1998). An adolescent may view herself as a shy student school, a bubbly leader with friends, and a patient daughter with family. Rosenberg (1986, p. 119) aptly summarized these changes by describing self-concept development as a dynamic, continual process: “It is through role-taking and social interaction that the individual discovers an inner psychological world, conceptualizes the self in terms of interpersonal relationships, rests conclusions about the self on logical and evidential foundations, and anchors knowledge about the self within the self.”
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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780123970251001524
Self-development in Childhood
S. Harter, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
2.3 Adolescence
For the adolescent, there are further cognitive-developmental advances that alter the nature of domain-specific self-evaluations. As noted earlier, adolescence brings with it the ability to create more abstract judgments about one's attributes and abilities. Thus, one no longer merely considers oneself to be good sports but to be athletically talented. One is no longer merely smart but views the self more generally as intelligent, where successful academic performance, general problem-solving ability, and creativity might all be subsumed under the abstraction of intelligence. Abstractions may be similarly constructed in the other domains. For example, in the domain of behavioral conduct, there will be a shift from the perception that one is well behaved to a sense that one is a moral or principled person. In the domains of social competence and appearance, abstractions may take the form of perceptions that one is popular and physically attractive.
These illustrative examples all represent positive self-evaluations. However, during adolescence (as well as in later childhood), judgments about one's attributes will also involve negative self-evaluations. Thus, certain individuals may judge the self to be unattractive, unpopular, unprincipled, etc. Of particular interest is the fact that when abstractions emerge, the adolescent typically does not have total control over these new acquisitions, just as when one is acquiring a new athletic skill (e.g., swinging a bat, maneuvering skis), one lacks a certain level of control. In the cognitive realm, such lack of control often leads to overgeneralizations that can shift dramatically across situations or time. For example, the adolescent may conclude one point in time that he or she is exceedingly popular but then, in the face of a minor social rebuff, may conclude that he or she is extremely unpopular. Gradually, adolescents gain control over these self-relevant abstractions such that they become capable of more balanced and accurate self-representations (see Harter 1999).
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Self-Esteem
S. Thomaes, ... S. Nelemans, in Encyclopedia of Adolescence, 2011
Adolescence
Adolescence is a period full of physical, cognitive, and social changes, and these changes are reflected in children's self-evaluations as well. From the earliest stages of adolescence, children's social skills and attributes come to have a strong impact on their self-evaluations. For example, when young adolescents (11–13-year-olds) are asked to describe themselves, they may say they are easy-going, talkative, and fun-loving, or shy and uncomfortable with others – labels that describe how they relate to others. Young adolescents' self-esteem is also very much dependent on how they believe they are viewed by others, even more so than is normal in other stages of development. Although peers have a strong impact on young adolescents' self-esteem, parents remain important as well. Young adolescents' self-esteem often varies among social contexts. They may have high self-esteem when with friends (who share the same interests and values), lower self-esteem when with parents or teachers (who may not approve of all things they say or do), and still lower self-esteem when with unknown peers (who, times, can be very critical). At a somewhat later age, in middle adolescence, adolescents often experience conflict between the contrasting views they may have of themselves and which they find difficult to reconcile. For example, a 15-year-old girl may worry over whether she is a responsible person (as she is in her job) or an irresponsible person (as she is when coming home too late after visiting a friend). Finally, adolescents' self-esteem, and more precisely, their state self-esteem, is less stable than it is other ages. It is not uncommon for adolescents to experience intense state self-esteem ‘highs’ and ‘lows,’ sometimes within a single day. Such strong fluctuations in state self-esteem are especially likely to occur following social events, such as when one is valued and admired or, instead, criticized and ridiculed by peers.
Perhaps the most notable self-esteem change that occurs in adolescence is that, on average, self-esteem becomes lower. Many individuals (and especially girls) come to experience least some level of self-doubt and insecurity when they go through adolescence, which typically influences their self-esteem to decline. Does this mean that low self-esteem is the norm rather than the exception in adolescents? Fortunately not. Rather, most adolescents come to hold more moderate levels of self-esteem than the typically high levels of self-esteem they held in childhood. Only a few individuals actually come to hold very low self-esteem in adolescence. These individuals often are more diffusely troubled and suffer from depressive symptoms as well. Several factors may explain the downward shift in adolescent self-esteem. First, in most countries, the onset of adolescence is also the time when children transition from primary school into secondary school. This means they lose many of their former peer relationships, need to form new peer relationships, and need to adjust to their new school routines that emphasize more social comparison and competition – stressful changes that can challenge self-esteem. Second, the standards and expectations that adolescents face become increasingly difficult to meet. For example, it becomes increasingly important to obtain good grades in school, but not everyone is able to obtain good grades. Failure to meet standards will often lead to less approval (e.g., from teachers or parents) which, in turn, will lead to lower self-esteem.
Importantly, adolescent girls' self-esteem typically shows a much stronger decline than does adolescent boys' self-esteem. This gender gap in self-esteem that originates in adolescence tends to persist throughout the life span. What causes adolescent girls to lose self-esteem? First, in adolescence, girls come to attach greater importance to their physical attractiveness, while the same time, many girls evaluate their attractiveness more negatively than they did in childhood (perhaps because they now compare themselves to idealized standards for women's attractiveness). This implies that girls, who attach more importance to how they look, are greater risk to lose self-esteem. Second, adolescent girls tend to be more judgmental and critical of one another than are adolescent boys (e.g., girls tend to be more judgmental of one another's physical appearance), and so they may harm one another's self-esteem more than boys do.
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Cognitive-Behavioral Perspectives on Body Image
T.F. Cash, in Encyclopedia of Body Image and Human Appearance, 2012
Activating Events and Cognitive Processing
According to cognitive behavioral perspectives, specific situational cues or contextual events activate schema-driven processing of information about and self-evaluations of one’s physical appearance. Thus, appearance self-schematic persons place more importance on, pay more attention to, and preferentially process information relevant to their appearance. Precipitating events may include, for example, situations that accentuate one’s looks or social scrutiny, interpersonal feedback about one’s appearance, mirror exposure, truyền thông exposure to idealized images, wearing certain clothing, exercising, or changes in appearance. As a result of past experiences, certain situations represent classically conditioned stimuli whereby individuals reflectively respond with particular emotions and thought patterns.
Often the activating situations and events are not in the present but are recalled or anticipated contexts. For example, a person may mentally ‘replay’ a past sự kiện that represented a body toàn thân image stressor. For anticipated contexts, individuals process expectancies about what might occur in the future. They envision, imagine, and experience these situations and react in accordance with their anticipatory thoughts and feelings. Thus, activating events should not be regarded as limited to what actually transpires in some external situation.
Provocative contexts, whether external or internal, produce resultant internal dialogues (sometimes termed ‘private body toàn thân talk’) that involve emotion-laden automatic thoughts, inferences, interpretations, and conclusions about one’s physical appearance (see Figure 1). Among individuals with problematic body toàn thân image evaluations and self-schemas, these inner dialogues are habitual, faulty, and dysphoric. Thought processes may reflect various errors or distortions, such as dichotomous thinking, arbitrary inferences, emotional reasoning, overgeneralization, biased social comparisons, and magnification of perceived physical shortcomings.
Table 1 provides a summary and definition of eight such cognitive distortions. In 2006, Jakatdar, Cash, and Engle developed, validated, and published the Assessment of Body Image Cognitive Distortions (ABCD) to assess these biased thought processes. Each ABCD item describes a specific situation or sự kiện and a thought pattern that reflects the distortion. Respondents are asked to imagine that the sự kiện happened to them and to rate the extent to which the thought pattern would match their own thoughts. ABCD scores were clearly predictable by body toàn thân image attitudes that included the combination of self-schematic investment in one’s appearance (especially self-evaluative salience) and a negative body toàn thân image evaluation. In a 2007 study by Rudiger and collaborators, ABCD scores were found to predict more negative and more variable body toàn thân image experiences sampled from actual daily life.
Table 1. Body image cognitive distortions
Distortion typeDefinitionBeauty-or-Beast Dichotomous or polarized thinking Thought example: Unless I lose 5 pounds, I am fat and ugly Unfair-to-Compare Social comparisons with extreme, lofty appearance standards Thought example: That fashion model makes me look really unattractive Magnifying Glass Selective attention to one’s disliked features, to the neglect of one’s physical assets Thought example: It doesn’t matter that people think I have a nice smile, because my huge nose ruins everything Blame Game Attribution of cause for negative life events to certain aspects of one’s looks (i.e., scapegoating) Thought example: I’ve not had a girlfriend in years because I’m balding Mind Misreading Projection of one’s own negative thoughts onto the thoughts or beliefs of others Thought example: These people the party think I’m fat Misfortune Telling Arbitrary inference that aspects of one’s appearance will have certain negative effects in the future Thought example: Because of the scar on my chin, nobody will ever fall in love with me Beauty Bound Conclusion that one’s appearance prevents one from engaging in a particular action Thought example: I’m too skinny to go to the beach Moody Mirror Emotion-based reasoning such that one’s feelings are taken as valid evidence for a conclusion about one’s appearance Thought example: I know I’m ugly because I feel so self-conscious when I meet new people
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The Influence of Diverse Youth Development Models on Student Engagement and Academic Outcomes
Jeffrey N. Jones, in Handbook of Student Engagement Interventions, 2022
Comprehensive Youth Programs and Academic Processes and Outcomes
Comprehensive after-school programs influence multiple aspects of school engagement. The combination of academic, social, and physical activities, promotes the construction of positive self-evaluations and identities. Specialized activities can promote student academic interests and sense of value and relevance for schooling. There is evidence of changing patterns of behavior in reported evaluations of personal conduct and in improved test scores for participants (BGCA, 2022; Lerner et al., 2022; O’Donnell & Kirkner, 2014). Comprehensive centers then, such as programs in the school-based model, can have multiple effects on educational processes and outcomes. They can intervene in the academic world of youths by providing homework assistance and study skills, but also through social skills training.
Comprehensive after-school programs have much to offer practitioners seeking to maximize their relational and organizational assets. Youth development professionals in programs such as the YMCA/YWCA, 4H, and BGCA have been described as the medium for achieving high levels of youth participation and the “glue” which holds together the culture of the clubs. The variety of programming gives students choices, and they are able to construct their own club experience. Having opportunities to make choices can help to support students’ needs for autonomy and self-determination, and leads to further and prolonged attendance and engagement in education and youth development programming. However, variation in club activity likely affects differences in perceived levels of support, and many comprehensive programs fall short of providing high levels of support (Fredricks, Hackett, & Bregman, 2010). Furthermore, while participation appears to affect achievement outcomes, not all youth participants are active in academically oriented programs and activities in comprehensive programs, and receive the benefit of academic intervention and enrichment (Anderson-Butcher et al., 2002).
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Self-acceptance
Brad Bowins, in States and Processes for Mental Health, 2022
Mental health
In the Psychological defense mechanism chapter, we looked how positive cognitive distortions represent a major psychological defense mechanism template (Bowins, 2004). These positive cognitive distortions include self-evaluations influencing self-esteem, even to the point of overestimating oneself (Mann et al., 2004). For example, mastery is facilitated by an exaggerated sense of self-worth resulting in better mental health (Seligman, 1995). Mental health involves distorting reality in a direction that protects and enhances self-esteem (Mann et al., 2004). Depression and anxiety entail an absence of these self-enhancing distortions (Beck, 1991; Bowins, 2004; Mann et al., 2004). Of course, extreme cognitive distortions approaching the psychotic range tend to impair functioning, and are less adequate as defenses except under extreme circumstances (Bowins, 2004). The defensive function of self-esteem plays out in terms of resilience (Mann et al., 2004). Self-esteem functions as an internal moderator of stressors while social support represents an external moderator (Mann et al., 2004).
Consistent with the defensive function of self-esteem, various aspects of good mental health are associated with better self-esteem. For example, Rouse (1998) found that adolescents with higher self-esteem are more resilient to stress than their lower self-esteem peers. Adolescents with high self-esteem are also less likely to engage in self-destructive behavior, such as drug and alcohol abuse (Crump et al., 1997; Jones and Heaven, 1998). There is evidence that high-risk sexual behaviors are less likely if a person has high self-esteem (Somali et al., 2001). Academic success has quite consistently been linked to high self-esteem applying both cross-sectional and longitudinal research designs (Adams, 1996; Hay et al., 1998). Job satisfaction later in middle age also relates to higher self-esteem in the younger years of life (Judge et al., 2000). Hence, higher self-esteem fosters actions and choices that favor better mental health.
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What is an individual's overall and specific positive and negative self
social comparison. The desire to evaluate one's own behavior, abilities, expertise, and opinions by comparing them to those of others. self-esteem. An individual's overall and specific positive and negative self-evaluation.What is negative self
Self-Esteem. Module Summary. • Negative self-evaluations occur when your unhelpful rules and/or assumptions are broken. • Negative self-evaluations involve: being highly self-critical, putting negative labels on yourself, and. making sweeping generalisations about yourself and your abilities.What are the three elements of self
They are: Locus of control: the extent to which you feel that your own actions influence the results you achieve. Neuroticism: how well you handle negative emotions such as anxiety and anger. Generalized self-efficacy: your confidence to perform well in a variety of situations.Which of the following characteristics is associated with core self
Core self-evaluation (CSE) is a theory that includes four personality dimensions: self-esteem, self-efficacy, locus of control and emotional stability. Tải thêm tài liệu liên quan đến nội dung bài viết What is an individuals overall and specific positive and negative self evaluation? negative self-evaluation definition negative self-evaluation examples
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